Parents worldwide are faced with far greater fears and challenges today than at any time in history. They have the enormous responsibility for children’s lives, people they have chosen to bring into a world with a rapidly destabilizing climate. It’s a shared responsibility, of course, because at this point anyone under the age of 50 cannot count on having a stable climate in their old age.
State Assemblymember Joaquin Arambula on the morning of his misdemeanor citation for striking his 7-year-old daughter.
Fresno City Councilman Miguel Arias, family friend and chief defender of Arambula’s disciplinary methods.
Nearly 20 million people were climate refugees in 2018, according to U.N. estimates. Internally dislocated people, from hurricane victims in Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands to the firestorm victims in Paradise and Magalia, are already straining governmental relief systems in the U.S. Externally dislocated climate refugees, who must seek safety outside their own countries, are dying at the hands of uncaring brutes everywhere from the California-Mexico border to the Mediterranean.Continue reading The Politics of Parenting
The headline reads, “API Plans Major Disinformation Campaign: Industry opponents of a treaty to fight global warming have drafted an ambitious proposal to spend millions of dollars to convince the public that the environmental accord is based on shaky science.”
It’s from a New York Times article. Dated April 26, 1998. API is the American Petroleum Institute.
It’s been a long two decades of lies, deceit, corruption, and killing, but oil and gas industry executives — members of the most powerful interest group on Earth — continue their heartless methods of exploitation here and abroad. As evidenced by the violence in Nigeria, Yemen, Iraq, Venezuela, South Sudan, and more, oil executive know few moral bounds.
And they walk among us.
In California these individuals have successfully delayed or diluted every major piece of climate legislation enacted by state lawmakers, relying on Republicans and moderate Democrats to do their dirty work and rewarding them richly either through campaign contributions to stay in power or employment connections after leaving office. Sometimes both.
Take former state senator Michael Rubio and former assemblymember Henry T. Perea, the Exxon Valdez and Deepwater Horizon of valley Democratic politics. The oil slick spreading from the travesty of their political careers is now coating the feathers of local politicians.
These two men are the poster boys for all that is wrong with the blue party’s politics as practiced in the San Joaquin Valley. Both were career politicians with little or no private or nonprofit sector experience. Both reneged on their oaths of office to leave elected office a year early to join the ranks of Big Oil & Gas and Big Pharma in 2013 and 2015, respectively. Perea readily slipped on an oil suit a year later when he joined Western States Petroleum Association.
But a sharp-edged pendulum of environmental justice appears to be swinging back hard and fast. As the Times reported a generation later on April 18, 2019, 84 percent of likely Democratic voters now rank action on climate change and the move to clean energy as essential or very important; voter support is even higher among Latinos and higher still among Spanish speakers.
Driving the call for direct action is the climate science-fueled movement growing rapidly under the inspirational leadership domestically of 29-year-old Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, D-N.Y., and in Europe of 16-year-old activist Greta Thunberg where tens of thousands of students now go on a climate strike from school every Friday.
Lagging behind are local and state Democrats, many of whom claim to be concerned about environmental justice issues but who often vote against the interests of the frontline communities who want pollution eliminated at its source. Nor do they grasp the level of general public growing panic and emerging bloc of single-issue — climate change — voters.
In short, now would be a good time for Paul Caprioglio, Luis Chavez, Nelson Esparza, and Esmeralda Soria to get out their campaign account checkbooks and return some tainted contributions. Nearly $100,000 in Big Oil money made its way into Fresno politics last year, and these Democrats on the Fresno city council have received direct and indirect contributions from Chevron and the California Independent Petroleum Association.
And there’s plenty more where that came from. As of November 2017, the California Democratic Party no longer accepts money from oil and gas PACs or their representatives in Sacramento, so now it’s gushing directly into political action committees and independent expenditure committees which circumvent campaign contribution limits by running their own campaigns in support of candidates.
‘Essentially, it’s legalized corruption. It’s legal. Companies can spend as much as they want to elect people who are going to do what they want.’ –Mayor Jose Gurrola, Arvin
According to CalMatters, during the 2017-18 election cycle, Big Oil & Gas pumped $19.2 million into state politics, including $14 million into independent committees with one spending $343,000 to re-elect Rudy Salas, D-Bakersfield. Another $2 million went straight into the coffers of the Republican Party.
Soria’s contributions came directly from the Irvine-based petroleum association in the form of a pair of $2,500 contributions on Feb. 24 and June 4, according to City of Fresno Electronic Filing System reports. She has a direct connection to the organization through Willie Rivera; they both worked for Rubio when he was in the senate. After Rubio quit, Soria went to work for Perea. Until he quit.
It only gets oilier from here.
As it turns out, Rivera is a Democrat who holds elected office, too. He’s a Bakersfield city council member, but his day job is as regulatory affairs director for the California Independent Petroleum Association, whose political action committee contributed $3,000 in 2018 to Rivera’s campaign account in addition to Soria’s $5,000.
Rivera is apparently so serious about his job as an oil industry junkyard dog fighting off government regulation, he works after hours for them, too. In 2018 the association PAC launched a $20,000 campaign against Democrats in Arvin where a group of young, progressive Latinx officeholders led by Mayor Jose Gurrola had dared to update the highly polluted city’s oil and gas code from 1965. The move was prompted by a gas line leak in 2014 that forced the evacuation of eight homes. Rivera’s employer wanted the ordinance overturned. Gurrola’s majority held after a lot of door-to-door grassroots campaigning.
In light of some Democrats’ newfound sensibilities regarding climate change, air pollution, environmental racism, and human survival, you know, the basics, Soria, who entered this year with $107,485.81 in her campaign account, should now make a clean break with her tainted former colleagues and return the $5,000. Because any organization or individual seeking to reverse progress in Arvin is attacking a frontline community that has taken a stand against the most destructive industry in human history.
Similarly, Caprioglio, Chavez, and Esparza need to break out the checkbooks, too. Chavez and Esparza each received $5,400 and Caprioglio, who ran unopposed, took in $500. While they are probably unaware of it, oil money seeped into their campaign accounts last year via the Fresno Chamber of Commerce PAC. The business group received a $90,000 contribution from Rubio and Chevron in May 2018. The money covered all of the PAC’s campaign contribution costs for the year. Rubio’s paymaster also moved more than $350,000 through Rivera’s petro-bosses’ PAC in the 2017-18 cycle, which accounted for half of the group’s spending.
Chevron, BP and ExxonMobil have spent hundreds of millions over decades to delay action on climate change, leading the world to the brink of catastrophe. As the people living in frontline communities courageously advocate for a just transition off fossil fuels, including a 50 percent reduction by 2030 to avoid runaway climate chaos, now is the time for local leaders to lead by example.
When the next oil executive offers a contribution to a candidate, committee or PAC, they should be sent packing. And when valley Democrats attend their party’s statewide convention later this month, they should sign the environmental caucus’s pledge to refuse all fossil fuel contributions.
Consider what Mayor Gurrola told KGET News in Bakersfield: “Essentially, it’s legalized corruption. It’s legal. Companies can spend as much as they want to elect people who are going to do what they want.”
(This article first appeared in the April 2019 issue of Community Alliance magazine.)
By Kevin Hall
Few were downtown at Fresno city hall on a cold morning in late January to witness the new council fail its first real test of character. The one that matters most in city politics, it’s a single-question exam: Do developers still run this town?
The new five-member, veto-proof Democratic majority on the council has raised the hopes of many locals. At long last, some say, our humble burg of half a million souls will be governed by a body with a greater interest in the needs of poor and working families, one willing to take on the special interests running roughshod over lives and futures.
Today would be a good day for Paul Caprioglio, Luis Chavez, Nelson Esparza, and Esmeralda Soria to get out their checkbooks and return some dirty campaign contributions. Nearly $100,000 in Big Oil money made its way into Fresno politics in 2018, and the Fresno city council members have received direct and indirect contributions from Chevron and the California Independent Petroleum Association.
Soria’s contributions came directly from the Irvine-based petroleum association in the form of a pair of $2,500 contributions on Feb. 24 and June 4, according to City of Fresno Electronic Filing System reports. She has a direct connection to the organization through Willie Rivera, a former coworker. Himself an elected city council member in Bakersfield, Rivera is the regulatory affairs director for the oil organization.
Rivera is apparently serious about his job as the local oil industry’s junkyard dog fighting off government regulation. In 2018 his association PAC launched campaigns in Arvin, Kern County, against young, progressive Latinx officeholders there who supported Mayor Jose Gurrola’s ordinance limiting oil operations within the beleaguered city limits. Soria and Rivera worked together in the offices of state senator Michael Rubio, the disgraced official from Bakersfield who left office a year early to join Chevron in their war on the planet as director of government relations. Continue reading Oil Money Seeps into Fresno Politics
With Gov. Newsom’s decision to limit high speed rail to a San Joaquin Valley-only route, the question must be asked: did Fresno just take a bullet to its economic dreams, or did we dodge one instead?
The answer depends on one’s expectations for our Valley. Are we California’s next megalopolis, another major agricultural region to be paved over like Los Angeles and San Jose before us, or do we embrace our inland identity, one with a unique role to play in the world’s weather-destabilized future?
In an HSR-enhanced valley, the line is completed at least as far as Gilroy over Pacheco Pass, giving Fresno at long last a tenuous connection to Silicon Valley, a lifeline over the hill to that promised land of high-tech jobs and riches. And those industry giants, in return, gain the expanded commuter shed they have long sought for their housing-deprived region.
Following California’s business-as-usual growth scenario, urban sprawl and leapfrog development can continue unabated, shaped marginally by water supply, basic infrastructure, and the pliability of local politicians. The edges of valley cities and towns host expansive bedroom neighborhoods for people commuting to distant jobs, gradually filling in the “blank spaces” of farmland in between.
Or so went the 1990s plan.
But a funny thing happened on our way to the future: climate change. Rapid climate change. The October report from the U.N. on impacts of a 1.5 C increase in global average temperatures, telling the world to cut greenhouse gas emissions in half by 2030 and entirely before 2050 or prepare to face runaway global warming, changes everything.
Earlier reports explored impacts of a 2.0 C increase, but in their response to island nations’ request for an examination of the lower threshold, scientists expressed surprise at learning severe impacts will begin sooner than previously expected. Even at the lower level, irreversible negative feedback loops of methane release, ice melt, and more can be unleashed. If so, humankind’s reduction efforts will be overwhelmed.
Presumably someone in the governor’s office took a hard look at both HSR’s untenable financial situation and California’s now outdated climate change investment plan. Newsom is cutting the state’s losses on both fronts.
With this latest alteration, which extends the track into downtown Bakersfield at its southern end and up to university-laden Merced as its northern terminus, the Valley just got handed its blueprint for climate change adaptation and long-term growth.
It’s a plan for the future that needs to be tied to watersheds rather than commuter-sheds, land conservation instead of sprawl, and climate adaptation, not denialism. Ours is a regional, Bakersfield-to-Stockton economy and environment, not a San Diego-to-San Francisco one.
Due to our limited population, 220 mph trains will not streak down those tracks anytime soon, if ever, but Amtrak trains’ top speeds can jump from 79 to 125 mph. For supporters of smart growth, the Bakersfield, Hanford, Fresno and Merced stops just became the Valley mainline’s transit-oriented development hubs.
And in a climate change-fueled world of continuing economic and environmental destabilization coupled with a surging global population and climate change refugee crises, predicted to reach 100 million people by mid-century, the Valley’s amazing capacity for food production will become increasingly critical.
Rather than squandering our resources producing ingredient items for processed foods or paving over any more prime farmland, let’s plan to help sustain a hungry world by growing essential foods through sustainable farming methods that sequester carbon in crops and soils.
All of which will take significant subsidies. So the sooner the state stops throwing $100 million in Greenhouse Gas Reduction Funds at high speed rail every year, $1.6 billion since 2013, the better.
It’s time to invest in the electrification of farm and construction equipment, heavy duty trucks and buses, and every home and building; as well as affordable housing and transit, groundwater recharge systems, and — most important — climate change adaptation planning.
The San Joaquin Valley can lead the nation in implementing a fair and just transition from old, exploitative practices in land development, energy and farming to a sustainable, healthy environment tied to a carbon-free, agricultural-based economy.
Our future does not lie over a hill. It’s right in front of us, all around us.
Kevin Hall is a Fresno resident and graduate of Fresno State. He formerly reported on farm issues for trade publications and is now an air-quality activist.
This article originally appeared in the February 2019 issue of Community Alliance.
By Kevin Hall
The climate change movement’s new demand of congressional candidates and incumbents is that they refuse all contributions from fossil fuel interests and pledge to support the Green New Deal. While that must also hold true for local politicians, an equally important step for city council members and county supervisors would be to refuse all developer money.
That’s a very tall order in Fresno politics, but that day might be near at hand. A new movement led by local nonprofits is competing with the influence of developer campaign contributions by working to bring more people to the polls through Integrated Voter Engagement programs. Funded largely by The California Endowment but with significant support coming in from other foundations, a few unions, at least one politically ambitious billionaire, and others, their focus is on community residents who normally don’t vote but will when engaged in meaningful ways.
Improved public health policies and practices of local government and other civic institutions is the laudable goal of the effort. But these system changes eventually boil down to votes by elected officials, and that’s when these same politicians face realpolitik choices. Play it safe and side with the moneyed interests or dare to follow the community’s lead and stand up against the forces of institutionalized racism and systemic poverty.
Consider the still unfolding tale of Richard Caglia, an elected trustee of the State Center Community College District, and his 110-acre warehouse industrial development proposal for South-Central Fresno. The saga took a surprise twist in January when Caglia withdrew his request of the city and asked that the city council rescind his permit applications. They did, relieving the city of its losing legal battle they faced at the hands of Leadership Counsel for Justice and Accountability in defense of the council’s earlier approval.
“It’s not just about providing a space for further industrial development, but that we have an honest conversation about economic development that values not just the work that people are engaging in but also their lives and their health.”
However, the project isn’t dead. The land is still zoned industrial, and it’s safe to say Mayor Lee Brand wants to see it developed, along with a broad swath of the city’s heavily industrialized and historically racially and economically segregated south side.
This tension between unfettered profit from industrial development and protection of people’s lives might be as old as the hills, but it’s best symbolized by the man-made mound known as the Orange Ave. Dump which sits at north end of the Caglia property along Cedar Ave. just below Fwy. 99.
The former landfill was recently topped with a large cross, fittingly giving it the look of a giant burial mound. It has been shuttered for years but the contaminated aquifer beneath it still requires constant monitoring. Immediately next to it is the Cedar Ave. Recycling and Transfer station where the multi-generational Caglia family business in garbage hauling continues unabated.
A steady stream of diesel trucks arrives throughout the day; fires break out regularly from the large mounds of wet trash awaiting sorting, spewing toxic clouds of burning plastics and electronics; and next to which Mayor Brand wants to see people working in trucking centers that he euphemistically refers to as “e-commerce” centers.
The unanimous Jan. 17 vote by the council to honor Caglia’s request and rescind the permit applications was a profoundly important moment in Fresno history. It contains all the elements of old Fresno, from the family with strong political connections trying to avoid environmental regulations and the politicians who serve them, to the civic insurgency being led by groups such as Leadership Counsel, Fresno Building Healthy Communities, Communities for a New California, and Cultiva la Salud and the new politicians who claim to represent their neighborhoods.
The emerging debate over industrial development throughout the area will be the defining issue for Fresno’s new city council, which enjoys a 5-2 majority of Democrats, four of whom identify as Latinx and harbor greater political ambitions. The real test of their mettle is still to come.
The political ideology of the remaining Republicans, Steve Brandau and Garry Bredefeld, is set. They can be counted on to vote in favor of the lowest possible bar for industrial polluters. That’s the attitude, of course, that created this catastrophe.
A few years back, when Mayor Brand and former council member turned city economic development director Larry Westerlund were shouting about cutting the red tape and “Fresno is open for business,” we now know they meant state-mandated environmental impact assessments were being ignored. Massive projects such as Amazon, Ulta, Caglia, and the expanded Gap Inc. warehouse were being waived through.
However, now that Leadership Counsel has managed to stop this mad rush and even got the office of State Attorney General Xavier Becerra to weigh in, will real leadership emerge on the city council?
A clue might be found in the example of former council member Oliver Baines. This Democrat just left office after eight years of representing District 3, home to the Caglia project. He spent seven years as a large city representative to the San Joaquin Valley Air Pollution Control District, the agency whose staff originally called on the city to conduct a full EIR for the project.
But last January, on the night before the the Democrat-laden city council’s unanimous vote to ignore well-established environmental law, Baines told Channel 30 reporter Cory James, “We’ve done everything we can as a city to mitigate whatever health impacts are going to be out there.” That statement was so far from accurate it would be laughable if not for the dangers posed to the thousands of people living in the immediate area.
It’s now time for the Fresno City Council to break from the developer-driven agenda that has shaped our community for the worse. However, in December the city signed a $1 million contract with consultants to revise the city’s General Plan EIR and develop an “Industrial Area Priority Specific Plan.” The first steps have been taken behind closed doors and the city plans to conduct no public outreach beyond the bare legal minimum.
But as Sandra Celedon told the council before its vote to rescind the Caglia proposal, “It’s not just about providing a space for further industrial development, but that we have an honest conversation about economic development that values not just the work that people are engaging in but also their lives and their health.”
Or as Leadership Counsel stated on its website announcement of the victory, “This and other similar developments must be done in an inclusive, thoughtful and strategic way that benefits the residents of Fresno, not harms them. The proposed development is bad business and a neighborhood killer.”
Kevin Hall hosts Climate Politics from 5 to 6 p.m. on the second and fourth Fridays of each month on KFCF 88.1 FM. He is on Twitter at @sjvalleyclimate and @airfrezno. Contact him at firstname.lastname@example.org.
This opinion piece appeared in The Fresno Bee on December 14, 2018.
By Kevin Hall
Climate change denial is alive and well in the San Joaquin Valley. Most worryingly, it is the dominant opinion among politicians serving on our regional air quality board. The eight-county agency handles hundreds of millions of dollars annually in state funds dedicated to reducing greenhouse gases, and the money couldn’t be in worse hands.
At issue is our children’s survival. Not our grandchildren, this generation. The babes and toddlers around us already face an uncertain adulthood due to the latent excess heat stored in the ocean that will be warming the planet for decades to come.
Last year’s jump in global emissions has the world on track with scientists’ worst-case outcome. Under that scenario, sometime between 2030 and 2050 six thresholds known as “tipping points” get crossed at a 1.5 C increase in global average temperature, unleashing natural stores of greenhouse gases that no amount of reductions by humans can reverse.
Yet climate-change deniers on the San Joaquin Valley Air Pollution Control District board have gone so far as blame the tragic loss of life in the climate-fueled Camp fire on a lack of logging. They mistakenly claim forest management practices are responsible for all state wildfires in recent years, though the majority of the deadly infernos have been at foothill elevations, and most important, increasingly frequent wildfires of greater intensity are now a worldwide phenomenon.
It’s not possible to provide specific citations from air board meetings so people might witness this appalling ignorance firsthand. The secretive agency refuses to post an online archive of its proceedings.
Clearly this body is ill-suited for its role in helping to address the immediate and long-term threats of our destabilizing atmosphere, despite the threats faced by 4 million, soon to be 6 million, Valley residents.
Consider the risk from wildfire. Foothill communities lying at the mouths of the canyons and river gorges of the Sierra Nevada could face the same meteorological conditions that led to the deaths of unfortunate Butte County residents in Magalia and Paradise. Like here, the populations of those towns were disproportionately retirees, many of whom had physical mobility limitations and couldn’t escape the flames.
All that’s missing, for now, are the high easterly winds that drove the incineration of 70,000 acres in 24 hours, spawned a fire tornado and took at least 85 lives. Such winds are possible here now as the jet stream’s path becomes increasingly unstable, dipping further south and more forcefully into this region.
The urgently needed adaptations and pollution reduction efforts are complex, involved and expensive. And they’re beyond the interest and ability of our air board.
Of its 15 members, two are appointed by the governor for their expertise in health or air pollution-related science; no complaints there.
But of the remaining 13, eight are county supervisors, one each from Kern to San Joaquin. Five more are city council members, two from cities with populations of greater than 100,000 and three from smaller cities.
The white, male, conservative perspective is grossly overrepresented. With less than 40 percent of the Valley population, whites hold 92 percent of these board seats; men, with less than half the population, comprise 84 percent; and Republicans, a mere third of registered voters, are at 92 percent.
This select group is bound to a political ideology that seemingly requires them to ignore basic science and promote an agenda of less regulation, more pollution, and disregard for everyone’s health and safety.
Let’s reform our air board.
This will take state legislation and uncommon leadership from our Sacramento delegation. An earlier attempt lasted five years and yielded minimal improvement. Democrats including Juan Arambula then proved nearly as intractable as their Republican colleagues, and two more recent disappointments were Michael Rubio and Henry T. Perea, both of whom left office early and now work as oil industry lobbyists.
The push for reform and a realistic action plan must come from the grassroots, pressuring politicians at every level of government for immediate action. A volunteer effort, #ValleyClimate, is underway. For a presentation in your community, contact email@example.com or on Twitter, @sjvalleyclimate.